WASHINGTON - Chad Wolf often was overshadowed by more bombastic political appointees at the Department of Homeland Security in the months after President Donald Trump named him acting secretary last fall. In April, Wolf's staff set up an Instagram account to enhance its boss's profile.

The photos showed him touring Trump's border wall, appearing at the White House with the president and riding department helicopters. The Instagram posts attracted little attention or controversy, and sometimes featured comments from Wolf's young son, with questions such as, "Dad, are you coming to my baseball game tonight?"

Nowadays, Wolf's posts generate pages of comments denouncing him as a fascist and the toady of an authoritarian president - or they lionize him as a loyal Trump soldier. His aggressive use of federal force to counter protests in Portland, Ore., during the past several weeks has drawn criticism from former Department of Homeland Security (DHS) officials in both major political parties; when protesters picketed Wolf's Virginia home last month, his neighbors served them snacks.

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After 3 1/2 years, the president is happy with a DHS chief, according to White House aides. And while Wolf's predecessors sometimes pushed back at his attempts to break rules and bend norms to fit his desired policies, Trump now has a DHS chief giving him the answers he wants.

"The president likes having someone who will tell him yes," said David Lapan, a former DHS spokesman, retired Marine colonel and longtime aide to Marine Gen. John Kelly, who worked closely with Wolf.

Trump "wants people who will agree with him and will go out and act aggressively, and that reaffirms why the president sees Chad favorably," Lapan said. "But that only lasts so long. And there are plenty of others who were seen favorably by the president until they weren't."

- - -

Wolf's ascent to the top of the DHS also is a result of the president's unprecedented disregard for the norms of the nation's confirmation processes. The department has not had a Senate-confirmed secretary since April 2019, when Trump ousted Kirstjen Nielsen. Her replacement, Kevin McAleenan, was frustrated at the increasing politicization of the DHS and resigned after seven months. When Wolf took over in November, he was not Trump's first choice for the job, and he was viewed at the time as an option of last resort - more of caretaker than a Cabinet secretary.

Wolf was serving then as the DHS's top policy official, and he was content in that job, according to longtime colleagues who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity to share candid views of the DHS chief and his relationship with the president.

Trump had appointed Ken Cuccinelli and Mark Morgan to key roles at the DHS after seeing them defend his immigration agenda on television, but neither man was eligible for the acting secretary job.

So it went to Wolf, 44, who had a reputation as a competent staffer and political operative. But Wolf was not known publicly as an ideologue or Trump true believer. His resume lacked law enforcement and military service, and Wolf had never headed a large organization, after spending much of his career as a lobbyist for the travel industry. On TV, he seemed to lack Cuccinelli's confidence and Morgan's zeal.

During the past several weeks, amid his standoff with protesters in Portland, Wolf has eclipsed both men to win the president's favor, wielding the considerable might of the DHS and sending its most highly trained agents to face off against demonstrators targeting a federal courthouse downtown.

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Critics said Wolf's intervention in Portland marked a new low in the DHS's transformation from a counterterrorism agency with broad bipartisan support into a partisan tool. Created after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks primarily as a bulwark against national security threats, the department's focus has shifted to the border and immigration enforcement, becoming a primary instrument of the president's political agenda.

In Portland, many critics saw a new instance of DHS mission creep, as America's sprawling domestic security apparatus turned its focus inward to intervene in street-level politics.

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Trump called Wolf frequently during the Portland standoff, sometimes early in the morning, when action on the streets was still playing out on the West Coast, according to administration officials who were not authorized to discuss the conversations. Wolf declined requests for an interview for this report.

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One senior White House official said Trump was initially skeptical of Wolf, and after one of Wolf's first meetings with the president, Trump did not come away impressed. But since then, he has come to view him as an ally and a proponent of his agenda, and Wolf regularly talks to Stephen Miller, a top Trump aide who controls White House immigration policy. Nielsen, Wolf's former boss at the DHS, had an antagonistic relationship with Miller.

Once hesitant, Wolf now looks for opportunities to do conservative media hits, the senior official said. His rhetoric has become more bellicose, in contrast with his predecessors, who avoided inflammatory language. Wolf in recent weeks has ditched his stylized five-o'clock-shadow beard - junior staffers joked that he looked like a Washington version of pop star Adam Levine - to assume the clean-cut visage of a cop.

"He sees as key to survival amplifying the White House's message," one of these officials said.

Miller, in a statement to The Washington Post provided by the White House, called Wolf "a tireless and profoundly effective champion of the president's pro-worker immigration policies."

"Chad is faithfully committed to executing the president's bold vision of an immigration policy that prioritizes the interests of U.S. workers, wage-earners, taxpayers and communities," said Miller, who has seized upon the Portland clashes to depict Trump's intervention in soaring terms, as a struggle between "chaos and civilization."

Trump likes Wolf, another senior White House official said, because Wolf keeps his briefings short and focuses on topics he knows the president cares about. He also typically brings the president a solution instead of just presenting problems or talking about topics that do not interest him, the official said. Wolf usually answers the president's questions quickly and directly, which Trump also likes.

"The president knows Chad just gets things done and he doesn't have to worry about him," the official said.

Trump sees Wolf as "serious" and focused on law enforcement, which he views as a key message to his 2020 reelection bid, the official said. "He also benefits that the border is under control, and every time Chad talks to him, he can say the numbers have gone down, and the wall is going up." (After falling sharply, border arrests have been trending upward since April.)

As Wolf hews more closely to the president's rhetoric and displays a willingness to wield the authorities of the DHS, he has brought rare criticism from the former department leaders he served under during the Bush administration - Tom Ridge and Michael Chertoff.

Wolf has been irked by their comments, colleagues say, but mostly blames what he considers inaccurate media coverage of the Portland unrest. But their concerns about overreach are shared by other current and former DHS officials worried the department is suffering long-term reputational damage.

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- - -

Wolf grew up in the wealthy Dallas suburb of Plano, won a tennis scholarship and graduated with a history degree from Southern Methodist University. In the pre-Trump era, he fit the mold of a George W. Bush Republican, with moderately conservative views, a preppy style and a view of government shaped by the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Wolf worked as an intern on Capitol Hill and was a junior staffer in the office of former Sen. Chuck Hagel, R-Neb., then joined the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) soon after its creation in 2002, where he worked with Nielsen. After leaving the Bush administration in 2005, Wolf became a lobbyist at Wexler Walker, specializing in aviation industry issues, and he remained there for 11 years until Trump's win, when he was recruited to return to the TSA as the agency's chief of staff.

Trump had placed Kelly in charge of the DHS, and Nielsen, Kelly's chief of staff at the time, wanted to groom Wolf to take over for her in the hope that she would be picked to lead the newly formed cybersecurity agency at the DHS, according to former colleagues of both. Wolf left the TSA after four months to become deputy chief of staff at the DHS and the top aide to then-Deputy Secretary Elaine Duke, a career management official who was not comfortable navigating immigration politics. When Kelly and Nielsen left for the White House in summer 2017, Wolf moved into the DHS chief-of-staff role.

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Current and former aides say Wolf spends less time one-on-one with Trump than some of his predecessors, and he does not clash with Trump or try to correct him.

As Nielsen's most trusted aide, Wolf played a central role in the "zero tolerance" border crackdown that separated thousands of migrant children from their parents, one of the defining episodes of Trump's presidency. Like Nielsen, Wolf has displayed little enthusiasm for the politics of immigration enforcement, but unlike her, he has largely avoided blame for the families' trauma and the policy debacle behind it.

Trump, who treats monthly enforcement numbers from the border as a kind of stock index of the DHS's performance, had already soured on Nielsen by the time a record wave of Central American families and children had overwhelmed the U.S. immigration system. The president installed McAleenan, the commissioner of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, whose inner circle was made up mostly of former CBP aides and counselors. Wolf was on the outside, but he remained at the DHS as the acting undersecretary for strategy, policy and plans.

Miller, who is viewed at the DHS as a kind of shadow secretary, is well known for going around agency heads to cultivate relationships with their subordinates, and he began calling Wolf more. Miller had clashed at times with McAleenan, who was pushing back against long-delayed plans for an ICE operation targeting migrant families.

When McAleenan stepped down last fall, he had no clear Senate-confirmed successor at the DHS, and the White House had never bothered to work toward the confirmation of Trump's other appointees, let alone nominate them.

Although immigration hard-liners were opposed to Wolf, citing his previous lobbying work securing employment visas for overseas tech companies, Miller had a figure already accustomed to his methods, and who, unlike Nielsen and McAleenan, would not take offense when he went around them to achieve a desired outcome. "Chad is a guy without a whole lot of ego," said one former DHS official and longtime colleague. "He's not a self-promoter, nor a showboat."

To be eligible for the acting secretary role, Wolf had to be confirmed for his undersecretary job first, and he squeaked by, with a 54-to-41 Senate vote on Nov. 13. Trump made him acting DHS secretary that day.

- - -

Wolf coasted through a rare lull at the DHS in the months after he took over. The responsibility for delivering on Trump's ambitious border wall construction targets had fallen to Jared Kushner and the Army Corps of Engineers. The border crackdown engineered by McAleenan, relying largely on cooperation with Mexican authorities and a controversial policy making asylum seekers wait outside U.S. territory, had driven migration numbers back down to levels acceptable to the White House.

When the pandemic hit, Cuccinelli, who had a tense relationship with Wolf and was rumored to be angling for the department's top job, became the top DHS appointee to the White House coronavirus task force. Wolf was left to run the DHS and implement its new travel and border restrictions.

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The president in late June issued an executive order defending U.S. monuments and federal property against "anarchists and left-wing extremists," placing the DHS on the front lines of a broader cultural reckoning sparked by the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody.

Trump's reelection chances have been sinking as a result of widespread frustration with his response to the pandemic and the economic crash, but in Portland his campaign saw a place to make a law-and-order pitch, claiming the country would descend into criminal anarchy should former vice president Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee, win the presidency in 2020.

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Wolf's colleagues say that he believes without reservation that his use of federal agents to protect the courthouse was justified, and that he grew more determined after DHS personnel were injured in the clashes. As images circulated more widely of rioters setting fires and launching commercial-grade fireworks at officers, the optics of the standoff began to change. Some civil rights leaders began criticizing the attacks as a distraction from the racial justice goals of the Black Lives Matter movement, and they worried it was playing into Trump's hands.

One former DHS official who worked closely with Wolf said he handled Portland well, and he was not surprised that the president had grown fond of him, calling him "an active listener who doesn't have an insatiable need to have everybody giving him praise."

"Chad's on message," the official said. "He's not going out and making gaffes or saying ridiculous things, and that's helpful in this administration."

A deal between Trump administration officials and the Oregon governor to de-escalate the situation was reached last week, replacing much of the DHS force at the courthouse with state police officers. Wolf has framed the agreement as a capitulation by authorities in Oregon, insisting the full contingent of DHS personnel would remain on standby in the city until he is satisfied with the response of local authorities.

But the removal of the federal agents from the front lines defused the standoff almost immediately. Recent nights have seen a diminishing crowd and no arrests. The scenes of swirling gas, explosions and mayhem appear to be over, lending further credence to Oregon officials who said Trump and Wolf were stoking conflict.

Trump appeared eager Friday to keep the conflict going, threatening Portland with National Guard troops despite the first night of calm in weeks.

The president has pledged to deploy federal forces to other cities that have seen a rise in homicides and other crime during the past several months, but Wolf's potential role is unclear. Some Democrats have indicated a willingness to accept the help, even as the president blames them for the violence, but they have stated a preference to work with the FBI, the U.S. Marshals Service and other agencies under the command of the Justice Department, not the DHS.

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"Good luck, Harry!" a woman called out as she headed to vote in the Republican primary, the winner of which was likely to win the general election in the GOP-dominated county.

"Thank you, babe!" the sheriff yelled back.

"Hey, Harry, we want you back in there!" yelled a man passing by in a truck.

"Well this one is stressful!" Harry shouted.

The immediate reason for the uncertainty was a Facebook meme that the sheriff had posted on May 8, before the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody: "Can we get back to the tradition of hanging traitors?" it had read over a drawing of a prisoner being led to the gallows. He said he had posted it in response to House Democrats who voted to impeach President Donald Trump, but as nationwide protests and riots broke out over Floyd's killing, a local woman had called attention to the post, writing on her own Facebook page that she was "completely disgusted" by it, and the sheriff had doubled down. He re-shared the post with the meme, writing: "If you like destroying hard working people's property because of one officer's horrible decision then you are the problem!!!"

Now the election was becoming a referendum not just on another four-year term for Harry Young but on all he had come to represent in a county that was 66% White, 29% Black and where the face of law enforcement had always been White and male.

"Hey, Harry, we're going for another four years?" a woman yelled out of her car window.

"Sure are, sugar!" said the sheriff, who had three primary challengers, one of whom was Duke Donaldson, who was a mile away under his own tent on Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue.

"You know I got you!" a young man yelled out to Duke as he headed to vote.

"All right!" yelled Duke, a 54-year-old police officer in the county seat of Cairo trying to become the county's first African American sheriff. Even though he considered himself a Democrat, he was running on the Republican ticket to reassure the White voters he would need to win, including some who had quietly pulled him aside to say that they felt the Harry situation was an embarrassment.

"If we want change then this is one of the steps," Duke said to one of his volunteers.

"Harry's got to go," she said, waving her sign at the traffic.

"Duke!" yelled another young man driving by.

"You voted?" Duke said, and over at the agriculture center, Harry was wiping the sweat off his forehead and swatting gnats hovering above the grass.

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While sheriffs preside over thousands of rural and suburban counties across the country, they are especially powerful figures in the South, where in the decades before and during the civil rights era of the 1950s and 60s, they were relied upon to protect local White power structures, whether that meant enforcing segregation codes or enabling mob violence against African Americans perceived as threatening that order.

In more recent years, aspects of the old culture have lingered in the list of sheriffs and deputies accused of racial profiling, excessive use of force, coercing confessions, siphoning money meant for prison food and other violations, though there are also examples of change. Departments have undertaken policy changes, and in some of the South's most populous counties, African American candidates have ousted White sheriffs in power for decades. Other sheriffs' departments exist in somewhat murkier territory, and this was the case in Grady County, about 400 square miles of farms, small towns and trailer parks in the southwestern corner of Georgia. No great scandals had come to light in recent years, and though there were now Black deputies on the staff, no major changes had been deemed necessary, a status quo that left Harry Young feeling entitled to another term as the county's chief constitutional officer.

"Afternoon, Harry," a deputy said as the sheriff arrived at headquarters a few days before the election.

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"We'll be fine," Harry would say.

To his way of thinking, the death of George Floyd was the result of a rogue officer rather than a systemic failure; the rioting was a plot by liberal billionaire George Soros; the protests sweeping the nation were creating a moment of peril, not hope, views he had often poured forth onto his Facebook page late in the evening, including the nights he let loose about hanging traitors.

"Some of us were talking about it the other night, that every 50 years we go through this all over again," he said, sitting in an office decorated with certificates of appreciation from local sports teams and clubs. "It just goes in a circle. Things are going great, and then something happens to mess it up. Like Floyd. It's just brought a whole 'nother cycle. If they have their way, it'll be the downfall of America - we'll be communist socialists."

He just hoped there were enough like-minded people to keep him in charge of the $2.4 million budget, the 21 deputies, the four investigators, the three-person drug unit, the jail, the jail guards, the double-aught shotgun in his truck, the .22-caliber Kel-Tec Magnum on his belt and the walkie-talkie now beeping on his desk.

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It was a deputy calling to ask how he should handle a racial-justice demonstration rumored for that afternoon.

"I just don't want no trouble," Harry told him. "I heard they were going to march here. If they do it, fine. As long as it's peaceful."

He'd heard that someone had threatened to burn down the jail, too, but for now it was quiet. He pulled onto a two-lane road, heading out on one of the loops he sometimes drove through the county. His cellphone rang.

"Hey, buddy," Harry said.

"Hey, Sheriff," a man said. "Just calling to check on you. Just wanted to wish you luck. Hope you stay in the driver's seat."

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He drove past the Valero gas station, where there had already been a small racial-justice demonstration, and turned toward downtown Cairo, where there had been a peace vigil that Harry had attended, sitting off to the side in a lawn chair as pastors led prayers. At least he could agree with that. When he had first run for office, he said, God had visited him in a dream with a detailed plan: "He said, 'Son, you will be deputy sheriff for 2 1/2 years, and you'll be sheriff until you're old and gray,' " and now here he was, white hair, white mustache and a cellphone with what he estimated to be more than 2,000 numbers of people he called "my friends."

He passed a convenience store called Susie Q.

"They're my friends - they give us all free coffee, free drinks," Harry said, lifting his hand off the steering wheel to wave.

He passed the white-columned banks of North Broad Street.

"All the bankers - they're all friends of mine," he said.

He passed a Baptist church - "the pastor's my friend," Harry said - and the Cairo Messenger newspaper, where a crowd traditionally gathered on election night to see the returns posted on the storefront window.

"The editor, he and his wife, both of them are friends of mine," Harry said.

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The hospital: "All the doctors, I consider all of them my friends - except one," he said, referring to the doctor whose wife had drawn attention to his Facebook post. "Well, I guess we're friends, but I never thought they'd do what they did to me."

He rode past the brick ranch houses and green lawns on the east side of town.

"All these," he said, sweeping his hand toward yards with Harry Young signs.

He knew not everyone was a fan. Besides critics of his Facebook page, he knew there were people who believed his deputies arrested more Black people for marijuana offenses than White people for dealing meth and other drugs. He knew people thought he did favors for his friends. He knew that there was talk around town that he sometimes had one too many drinks in the evenings. He said none of it was true and blamed the stories on his political enemies.

He rode around for another hour or so, nodding as he saw his signs on barns, in farm fields and lawns, and soon he was back in Cairo.

He turned into the west side of town.

It was the mostly African American side, and during Harry's first election, when he ran as a Democrat, he rode in the Martin Luther King Jr. Day parade. Since he switched to Republican, he hardly ever campaigned on the west side anymore.

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He pointed: "Big raid on that street."

He was sure that his biggest gift was what he called his "instinct," which he'd first noticed when he was 12 years old, and his father would arrive home drunk.

"I could feel something in my stomach when he'd come in the door," Harry said. "I knew something was going to happen, and sure enough, he'd jump on my mother. I remember my stomach would get nervous. I was always right."

Back when he patrolled, he'd get the feeling when he was driving through the Hotbed, or when he pulled someone over for speeding.

"Sure enough, you could see they were nervous," Harry said. "You could see their eyes dilated. You could tell they were on marijuana or something."

He hadn't gotten the feeling in the longest time until the Facebook situation happened.

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It was late afternoon when he arrived back at headquarters. No protest had materialized; no one had tried to burn down the jail. It was quiet, and when Election Day arrived a few days later, it was still quiet as people voted across Grady County. Harry sat under his white tent and waved as voters drove by, and now one of them pulled over and parked. A man got out and walked over with a vigor that pierced the afternoon lethargy.

"Mr. Harry, I want you to know I voted for you," the man said, shaking Harry's hand as Harry tried to place his face. "I'm Dave. I worked up at the Piggly Wiggly? Just wanted to let you know."

"Appreciate that, my friend," said Harry.

"I don't understand what's going on in the world right now," Dave continued. "I watch Tucker Carlson a lot, and last night it was about the Black Lives Matter movement. And it's nothing about Black lives. It's about trying to change the whole country over to Marxism."

"Well, we don't want to let it slip," Harry said.

"No," Dave said.

"We just have to lean on God," Harry said.

"It's brotherly love that's going to heal this nation, and now we got this movement to abolish police?" Dave continued. "And they want to get rid of conservatives and put in all leftists."

"You let 'em turn loose, they're going to realize they made a big mistake," Harry said.

"I'm not racist if I want to protect my family," Dave said.

"Right," Harry said.

"Anyway, just wanted you to know I voted for you," Dave said again.

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- - -

"They said the turnout at the airport is pretty steady," Duke Donaldson was saying over on Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue, where the mood was cautiously hopeful.

"How many you got on the other side of town, Duke?" said Sonia Simmons, one of several volunteers under his tent.

"It's about like this," said Duke, who had volunteers working several precincts he considered promising in the county. His cellphone rang.

"What? Why?" he said to a volunteer explaining that she was being asked to move away from a polling place. "There's a sign right there - you're not past that sign, right? Then you shouldn't move. Don't move. Who told you to move?"

He and his campaign team had been knocking on doors since the start of the year, registering voters at the Walmart, and after the pandemic hit, making calls and tapping networks of family, friends and churches. His case for the job was his 24 years of experience as a resource officer for the county schools, and more recently, as a Cairo police officer. He had coached football and basketball and felt he had the trust of Black and White parents across the county.

"When it all boils down, the question is, will they vote for a Black candidate?" Duke said, referring to White voters. "I just feel they will. I just think Harry's burned his bridges. There is no trust there."

He sat under the tent with his volunteers, all of whom were Black, all of whom had stories about Harry.

"He sure fooled me," said Sonia, whose son had driven Harry in the Martin Luther King Jr. Day parade during his first election. "I supported him. I handed out candy. I stood down there just like I'm doing right now, campaigning for Harry Young. He gave my son a big donation for graduation. He'd hang out and treated us like he was OK with us. I wanted to respond, but I didn't," she said, referring to Harry's Facebook post. "Ain't no telling what I'd say."

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"I tell my son, if it's dark and you don't feel safe, drive to a lighted area" rather than call the sheriff, said Montez Palmer, who lived in a rural part of the county and said the few times she had called 911, it took an hour or longer for a deputy to respond. "For all they know, I'm dead in an hour. They don't care."

"There's a meth epidemic and they hardly touch it," Duke said. "But people see a Black guy going to jail for marijuana and they think the sheriff's working."

"That's why they keep him in there," said Queen. "Because of the good ol' boy system in the South."

As the afternoon went on, they discussed their concerns about Harry's drinking, and rumors of improprieties they'd heard over the years that never got investigated.

"Brunswick, Georgia, is what we are living with here in Grady County," said Queen, referring to the town where more than two months passed before three White men were charged with killing a Black jogger named Ahmaud Arbery. "That's exactly what we are dealing with."

"We are lucky nothing like that's happened yet," said Duke, and after a while, a man named Odell Jolly walked over to the tent. He was 78 years old and had dealt with all of this before when he had tried to become the first African American sheriff in Grady County. His case for the job had been his 25 years of experience with the Miami Police Department as an officer, an investigator, and decorated lieutenant. "I figured I could show people all my experience and background and have no problem," he said. "That's what I thought. Didn't work out that way."

In 1998, the first time he ran, the people of Grady County elected a former school bus driver named Snooks Green. In 2012, the second time he ran, the people elected Harry.

"White people won't vote for a Black man," said Odell. "Maybe they thought I'd be too strict. Maybe they thought I'd come in here and do what needs to be done and they'd wind up with the short end of the stick."

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"You gonna win, Duke?" a man called out from his car, and Duke gave a thumbs-up.

A young man rode by on a bike.

"Ty!" Duke yelled, and the boy wheeled around.

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"What grade you in now?" Duke asked.

"Eighth," the boy said.

"All right then," said Duke, smiling and waving, and after the polls closed, he headed over to the newspaper to see the results.

- - -

Harry was already there, opening his shirt collar one more button. It was hot, and he could feel his old sense of dread rising. Police had blocked off the street in front of the Cairo Messenger, and by 8 p.m. all the local candidates and their supporters had arrived, some unfolding lawn chairs, anticipating a long night. On the window of the newspaper building, an official taped up a chart with rows of empty boxes where vote totals from nine precincts would soon be filled in. Harry drifted between clusters of people, avoiding the usual chatter, finally standing off to the side by himself. He checked his phone.

"I'm worried about you," his daughter texted him from Florida.

A police officer walked over.

"Hey, Harry, how're you doing?" he said.

Harry nodded and went back to his phone.

Across the street, Duke and his supporters watched the scene.

"Look at him over there," Queen said, shaking her head.

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Harry walked over, and Queen crossed the street, and now they were shoulder-to-shoulder as an official began filling in the first batch of results.

"Duke won the Ag," someone said into the quiet, reading the numbers from the agriculture center: Harry, 63. Duke, 65. A third candidate, a former sheriff's deputy named Steve Clark, viewed by many as a younger version of Harry, got 62.

The official moved on to Cairo 4, the precinct by Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue: Harry, 15. Duke, 96. Then came the rest.

A rural precinct called Spence: Harry, 67. Duke, 3. Clark, 67.

A rural precinct called Woodland: Harry 99, Duke 29, Clark 153.

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Harry's phone started ringing.

"Hey buddy," Harry said, brightening. "Yeah, they're starting to put them up. I got Spence and Woodland. Yeah. Well, we'll see."

People began patting Harry's back and shaking Harry's hand.

"Good to see you, brother," one man said.

"Hey, Harry, how you do?" another said.

Across the street, Queen showed Duke the numbers she had written down in a notebook. In past elections, more than a thousand people had voted at the precinct by Martin Luther King, Jr. Avenue; the total this time was fewer than 150.

"They didn't show up," Duke said.

He looked at the rural precincts where he needed to get a decent share of White votes to have any hope of winning. Mostly single digits. He looked away.

"It's still mathematically possible," said Queen. "Not likely, but possible."

Duke sighed. He looked at the pavement. He looked down an empty street.

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"Duke, don't you leave like this," Queen said. "Go get yourself together and come back and shake their hands. Just take a deep breath and see it through."

He retreated to his car to collect himself. Queen walked back across the street to where Harry was chatting with a supporter.

"George Soros - it's been proven," Harry was saying when Queen came up to him.

"Hey, Queen," he said.

"Hey, Harry, how're you?" she said, smiling, pulling him in for a hug, close enough to whisper in his ear: "If you win this, you better clean your s--- up, Harry."

"I'll try to," said Harry, but he was beginning to think that the events of the past few weeks might have helped rather than hurt him and that he did not have anything to clean up at all.

His spirits were lightening. Blowing Cave, Midway, Higdon - as the night went on, it was becoming clear that there would be a runoff between Harry and Steve Clark, not the outcome Harry preferred but hardly the disaster he had been dreading. He had missed a clean win by just 19 votes.

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"I'm numb," said Queen.

She and the others stood there in silence for a while, watching Harry shake hands, listening to the little bursts of laughter on the other side, and Montez Palmer felt her anger rising.

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Duke stood with his arms folded.

"You want to give people the benefit of the doubt on the racial issue," he said, shaking his head. "But everything around here is Black and White."

At about 10 p.m., officials came outside to say there was a glitch counting the mail-in votes. There were voting glitches all over Georgia. It was going to be another two hours before the full results were known.

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They watched the chairman of the county Republican Party chatting on the other side. He was the one who had encouraged Duke to run on the GOP ticket.

"I think they told him to be on the Republican ticket to trap him," said Sonia. "They wanted to knock him out of the race."

"They don't give you a chance, and that's on purpose," said Montez.

They watched Harry drifting around the crowd until a man led him by the elbow to a truck and drove him away.

"That's our leadership y'all," said Queen.

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"This is a direct impact," said Queen.

They talked into the night about strategy and politics and life in a rural county in the South, and near 1 a.m., the door of the Messenger opened, and the official began writing in the final tallies. Queen crossed the street and copied them down in her notebook.

Duke, 357. Clark, 1,526. Harry, 2,042.

She crossed back over.

"So y'all," she said to the others. "What's the next move?"

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In the morning, Harry got to his office earlier than usual, anticipating all the calls.

"It was just stressful," he was saying to one of his friends. "But I think I got enough support to go ahead and finish it off."

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"Yep, I'm in a runoff buddy," he said to Doug Hanks, the sheriff of Cook County. "I had three running against me, you know. I know you had it pretty good."

"Yeah," said Hanks. "Well, just wanted to check on you."

"We'll be fine, and Wiley'll be fine too," Harry said, referring to the sheriff of Decatur County.

"All right," said Hanks. "If you need me, holler."

He hung up and took a moment to review everything that had happened. He thought about what Queen had whispered to him, and what he knew she and others had said about him.

"They say, 'Oh, he's a good ol' boy.' I always ask, who is the good ol' boy? Explain to me, who is the good ol' boy? Am I a good ol' boy? Am I getting the job because I'm a good ol' boy? I think I'm a good person."

His phone rang again.

"Harry!" said Powell, the sheriff of Thomas County, who was likely to become the longest-serving sheriff in Georgia.

"How are you doing my friend?" Harry said, and they talked about the runoff.

"Well, I believe you'll get it," Powell said. "I heard ol' Wiley pulled his out, too."

"Yeah, we're going to be fine," Harry said again. "But I'm telling you, it was a long night. I got to thinking about 'what if.' Then the 'if' never happened. So, I feel pretty good about it. Fixing to take two weeks off. Going to Florida. Let things cool off here."

"Well, be careful," Powell said. "People'll say, 'Oh, Harry thinks he's got it made.' "

Harry knew his friend was right, and when he thought about the "if," and the different world that it contained, he could feel his dread returning, the premonition he had always trusted.

"I hear you," Harry said.

She had earned a sterling reputation among progressives as an activist on the streets of South Los Angeles, but now Karen Bass was the new speaker to the State Assembly, and California was in the midst of a budget crisis.

It was 2009 - the height of the Great Recession. Bass was responsible for negotiating tens of billions of dollars in cuts to some of the very social programs she had pledged to protect.

"The whole reason I went up there was to expand and strengthen programs, not cut them. I had to cut $40 billion," she recalled in an interview. "It was devastating to me. But I fought to cut because the alternative was to dismantle programs altogether."

The difficult decisions she made during that period, which drew admiration from colleagues on both sides of the aisle, help explain the five-term congresswoman's quiet rise in the ranks in Congress and the intensifying speculation about her future as a potential running mate for presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden.

As Biden nears a decision about his vice-presidential pick, Bass's boosters see in her someone whose activism in Los Angeles in the 1990s could bring progressive credibility to the ticket during a fresh wave of racial unrest in the country. She could also help assuage liberal skeptics who have been critical of Biden's now-controversial efforts on criminal justice reform in the 1990s. She has already made history once as the first Black woman in the United States to rise to the role of assembly speaker in any state.

Bass is relatively unknown compared with the others on Biden's shortlist and has largely been spared the spotlight - and vetting - of a national political campaign. Biden's eventual running mate, particularly if it is a Black woman, will undoubtedly attract immediate, harsh scrutiny, entering a campaign that has been marked by aggressive personal attacks and misinformation.

But her rise from scrappy activist to powerful politician well liked by her Democratic and Republican colleagues could make her particularly suited to this moment of national upheaval, say those who have known her for decades in California.

Her leadership in Sacramento during the Great Recession in particular provides a window into how she has balanced her ideological commitments against the raw needs of governing in crisis, a test that carries particular relevance now amid economic upheaval, a global pandemic and heightened racial tensions.

Her approach in Sacramento, say those who worked with her at the time, was to create a sense of shared responsibility, outwork the critics and find a way to agree. In two years she would leave Sacramento and head to Washington as a congresswoman, where she is now chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and has been discussed as a possible future speaker of the House.

In many ways, the skills that have made Bass an effective politician are those she honed as a community organizer.

The 1980s and '90s were an especially fraught time in South Los Angeles. The crack epidemic, mass poverty and urban blight were tearing at the fabric of the community. Many felt government was not only unequipped but also uninterested in finding solutions. Bass founded the Community Coalition in 1990 with federal grant funding, she said, to escape the sense of hopelessness she felt about what was happening. She soon began going door-to-door to survey residents about their experiences.

"I thought people weren't going to talk to us. This was the height of the Crips and the Bloods and we were going door-to-door talking about drugs," she said. "I thought initially the problem was crack houses. My premise was completely wrong. We talked to a few thousand people eventually and discovered it was the liquor stores, the recycling centers, the motels that were supporting the drug trade."

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Saul Sarabia, who joined the Community Coalition in 1999, described Bass as deeply principled and rigorous. She was explicit in her aim to bring together longtime Black residents of South Los Angeles with the newer Latino arrivals who were slowly becoming the new majority.

"She was very clear at that time that the racial history of the country required that we be color conscious and not be colorblind, which was the liberal and conservative consensus about how to deal with race in the multicultural 1990s," said Sarabia, who recalled that his car was stolen on his first day of work, a reflection of the conditions in the neighborhood at the time.

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"One of her core commitments is, fundamentally, that there is wisdom in these communities, and that their knowledge should guide the work," he said.

Though Black and Latino voters are often referred to in tandem today as key parts of the Democratic coalition, the notion that they made up a unified political force in multicultural neighborhoods like South Los Angeles was only just beginning to take shape.

Activists like Bass led the charge, said Sarabia.

Fabian Núñez recalled the dramatic demographic transformation happening in South Los Angeles at the turn of the century, as the number of Latino residents skyrocketed while the Black population steadily declined. With few Latino political leaders at the time and a growing anti-immigrant sentiment, Latinos in the region faced rampant workplace abuses, discrimination and violence, said Núñez, then an activist who would himself become the speaker of the California Assembly.

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"To have people like Karen working toward social justice for Latinos and Black people at a time when nobody was paying attention to Latinos, that tells you she is someone who has always worked to bring people together. I could see that her work was real," he said.

By the early 2000s, Bass's supporters were encouraging her to pursue elected office, which she seemed to resist at first. But she decided to run, she said, because a lot of local leaders she had relied on as an organizer were being termed out. In 2004, she was elected to the State Assembly.

Her instinct for consensus-building quickly earned her a favorable reputation in Sacramento. Her rise in the legislature was rapid, and in 2008 she was elected the speaker of the Assembly.

But the duties of the speakership, amid a deep nationwide recession that wreaked havoc on California's tax revenue, soon proved at odds with her onetime priorities as an activist. During the swearing-in ceremony for new members in December 2008, Bass urged her colleagues to take stock of all the "commitments and pledges we made during our campaign" and to take a "real, hard, objective look at the crisis we face."

"We face the challenge of putting our ideologies aside and doing what we need to do for the state of California," she said. "We should all be very mindful that the clock is ticking and we need to use our time to solve problems."

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"She's really unique in this business. I've dealt with some of the best politicians on the planet, the Kevin McCarthys, the Nancy Pelosis, all the governors. Karen's unique for one key reason, and that is that she is stunningly likable at all times," Dunmoyer said. "It doesn't mean you agree with her. She's like the velvet hammer for the Republicans of the world. She's very polished, she's very gracious. She's firm in her convictions, but she's very nice."

Bass's background as a community organizer largely insulated her from critiques on the left that she was not sufficiently invested in progressive causes. The liberal bona fides gave her cover while making cuts that distressed Democrats in Sacramento and beyond, including deep cuts to public schools and in-home health services for older adults.

Bass recalled that at one point she found herself the target of protests following a vote to increase tuition by the University of California at Los Angeles, of which she served on the Board of Regents. After the vote, protesters recognized her and surrounded her car.

"The students were protesting madly. They started pounding on my car," she said. "I talked to them for as long as they wanted to talk to me. They were very upset. And I said to them: 'These were my choices. What would you do? Should I cut food stamps or raise your tuition?' "

Darrell Steinberg, a Democrat who at the time was the president pro tempore of the California State Senate, described her as "unflappable" during the negotiations, which were held between himself, Bass, the legislature's two Republican leaders and the governor. Bass remained focused on the math while trying to ensure cuts were done in a way that could be reversed in better financial times, he said.

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She was recently the co-author of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, which would ban chokeholds and establish a national police misconduct database. It passed the Democratic-led House but has not been taken up by the Republican-controlled Senate.

"The protests created the political will to make that (bill) happen," she said.

Bass sounded conciliatory when asked about Biden's record on the 1994 crime bill, which encouraged states to build more prisons and toughened sentencing requirements for violent crimes and drug trafficking. Critics say the law, which Biden championed, contributed to mass incarceration.

"There were many Black members of Congress who supported the law. I totally understand why, though I did not support the crime bill," she said. "One of the main reasons I started Community Coalition was because the community was demanding those types of policies. To me, the point of the organizing was to try to show there was a different way, a better way."

If she were picked as Biden's vice-presidential nominee, Bass would also be subject to intense national scrutiny unlike any she has received before.

Already, some Florida Democrats have publicly bristled over a 2016 statement her office released following the death of Fidel Castro. "The passing of the Comandante en Jefe is a great loss to the people of Cuba," said the statement, which critics in the presidential battleground state said glorified Castro's brutal government.

Asked about the incident in a recent interview on MSNBC, Bass said that "it was certainly not something I would say again" and that her statement was meant in support of the Cuban people.

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"These are issues I have dealt with for decades. And I want to jump out there and be involved," she said.